Communities

Food Sovereignty vs Food Security for Africa

A long read. The global landscape of food systems is marked by persistent hunger, malnutrition, and the urgent need for sustainable development. Despite significant advancements in agricultural production, a substantial portion of the world’s population continues to face undernourishment, highlighting that the mere availability of food is not the sole determinant of food well-being. This context highlights the central debate between two dominant models for addressing these issues: food security and food sovereignty. These seemingly related concepts represent distinct principles, priorities, and proposed solutions, leading to ongoing discussions about their effectiveness and appropriateness, particularly for countries in the Global South. Food security is defined through four pillars: availability, access, utilization, and stability, emphasizing consistent access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food. Over time, this concept has expanded to include agencyโ€”peopleโ€™s ability to shape their food systemsโ€”and sustainability, ensuring future food security. Food security focuses on balancing supply and demand within market systems. In contrast, emerging in 1996, food sovereignty prioritizes communitiesโ€™ rights to control their food systems, advocating culturally appropriate, ecologically produced food. It centers on localizing food systems, valuing small-scale farmers, and ensuring ecological harmony, challenging corporate-driven markets. While food security risks neglecting environmental and social impacts, food sovereignty integrates sustainability, social justice, and traditional knowledge, addressing systemic inequalities and promoting equitable resource distribution. It reshapes food systems to prioritize self-determination, ecological balance, and community well-being, offering a holistic alternative to market-centric approaches. But why has food security been predominantly promoted in the Global South while Europe and other developed nations focus less on it? This disparity can be attributed to political and economic factors. In low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), the urgent need to combat hunger and undernutrition drives the focus on food security, often framed around increasing agricultural production and improving market access. This aligns with the agendas of international financial institutions and development agencies, which prioritize economic growth and global market integration. In contrast, developed nations with established food systems often emphasize food sovereignty, reflecting their ability to prioritize local control, sustainability, and cultural appropriateness over immediate food scarcity. Before going on further, it’s wise to understand that Africa did not just wake up in this predicament. From its inception, Africa was a food-sovereign continent with deep traditional and societal practices that ensured food availability. Before colonialism, Africaโ€™s diverse food systems were deeply rooted in ecological and cultural practices, showcasing advanced agricultural techniques like intercropping and crop rotation. These systems ensured soil fertility, nutritional diversity, and resilience to environmental shocks. These practices reinforce indigenous knowledge, including plant properties, soil management, and food preservation. Community-based structures, such as communal land ownership and labor sharing, promoted equitable food distribution and self-sufficiency. However, our troubles in Africa started with the trans-Atlantic trade, almost five centuries before food sovereignty became common. The trans-Atlantic slave trade disrupted these systems by depleting labor forces, reducing agricultural output, and causing famines. Colonialism further dismantled traditional systems, reorienting African economies toward resource extraction for European industrialization. This shift undermined local resilience, leading to the systemic disruption of Africaโ€™s once-thriving food systems. Colonial administrations implemented legal mechanisms, such as land ordinances and concessions, to seize fertile lands for European settlers, displacing African communities and undermining traditional farming. Introducing private land ownership clashed with communal systems, disrupting social structures and resource access. Colonial infrastructure and research prioritized cash crops for export, marginalizing local food needs and indigenous knowledge. African farmers were pressed into monoculture farming for crops like cotton and coffee, reducing food crop diversity and soil health. This shift led to food shortages in once-self-sufficient regions. Forced labor further diverted resources from local food production, intensifying shortages and eroding community-based farming practices. Colonialism also devalued African agricultural knowledge, promoting European methods ill-suited to local conditions. This Eurocentric bias suppressed sustainable practices and indigenous crops, favoring high-yield varieties that lacked nutritional resilience.  Colonial trade policies created dependencies, exporting raw materials to Europe while importing processed goods, including food. This unequal exchange deep-rooted economic reliance on global markets. Colonial influence also shifted food preferences, promoting European foods over local options, further undermining local producers by dumping excess European goods at low prices. Post-colonial African nations inherited these structures, with international financial institutions (IFIs) and trade agreements like the WTO reinforcing export-oriented policies. Market liberalization and global trade often hindered local food system development, leaving many countries reliant on food imports. This dependence exposes them to global price volatility and supply chain disruptions. While international agricultural research has benefits, its focus on high-yield export crops often overlooks smallholder farmers and indigenous crops, central to food sovereignty. These legacies continue challenging Africaโ€™s pursuit of resilient, self-sufficient food systems. The culmination of all these events is that Africa has shifted from self-sufficiency to becoming a net food importer, with agricultural imports far exceeding exports. The continent heavily relies on imported staples like maize, rice, and wheat, with import dependence reaching 62.5%, 88.9%, and 95.2%, respectively. This reliance strains foreign exchange reserves, diverts resources from development, and exposes nations to global price volatility and supply chain disruptions, undermining food sovereignty. Despite holding 60-65% of the worldโ€™s uncultivated arable land and 24% of global agricultural land, Africa faces persistent food insecurity due to inadequate infrastructure, limited access to modern technologies, insufficient investment, and insecure land tenure. Environmental challenges like land degradation and climate change further hinder productivity, while colonial legacies of prioritizing cash crops over food crops persist, complicating efforts to achieve food self-sufficiency. In Africa, the food conversation doesnโ€™t end with nutrition and sustenance. Traditional African foods remain culturally significant, with each region offering unique dishes, ingredients, and culinary practices tied to local biodiversity. Staples like millet, sorghum, yams, cassava, and indigenous fruits and vegetables reflect a deep connection to the environment and agricultural heritage. Food plays a central role in celebrations, rituals, and social gatherings, promoting community and cultural identity. These traditional foods are more than sustenance; they embody ancestral knowledge, history, and practices. Their continued consumption preserves cultural distinctiveness and a sense of belonging in a rapidly changing

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REFORMING THE PRIVATE HOME AS A PROFESSIONAL WORKPLACE

The greatest legal hurdle to ratifying ILO Conventions 189 and 190 in Kenya is the “Privacy Paradox”. This describes the constitutional friction between Article 31, which guarantees the right to privacy in one’s home, and Article 41, which guarantees the right to fair labor practices. Historically, labor inspectors have avoided the domestic sector because traditional industrial “raid” models of inspection would be unconstitutional infringements of privacy. To resolve this, we must enact specific Domestic Labor Inspection Guidelines that establish a structured “welfare check” model. This reform must also address the “light work” loophole in Section 56(2) of the Employment Act, which allows children aged 13 to 16 to perform vaguely defined tasks. This is frequently exploited by relatives who employ children full-time as “house helps,” masking labor exploitation as “fostering” or cultural guidance. New regulations must explicitly exclude full-time domestic management from the definition of light work to protect the childโ€™s right to compulsory basic education. Furthermore, the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) must be adapted to recognize the home as a “micro-workplace”. A mandatory Code of Practice for domestic health and safety is required to address hazards like toxic cleaning chemicals, falls, and heavy lifting that are unique to the home. We must also legislate “domestic violence leave” to support victims whose personal safety impacts their professional stability. Finally, to protect workers from abusive termination, we need strict legal protocols for live-in staff to prevent them from facing immediate destitution and homelessness. To move these reforms from paper to the pavement, we must dismantle the systemic barriers to Access to Justice. Currently, the procedural complexity and high costs of the Employment and Labour Relations Court (ELRC) make it a “luxury” that most low-wage earners cannot afford. Establishing a dedicated Small Claims Court track for domestic disputes is the only way to ensure that a claim for unpaid wages does not cost more than the recovery itself. Beyond litigation, true reform lies in granting domestic workers “economic citizenship”. By creating a simplified “Household Employer” digital portal, we can overcome the administrative hurdles that keep millions of workers excluded from NSSF and SHIF. Consistent contributions do more than provide a safety net; they unlock eligibility for the Tenant Purchase Scheme (TPS), turning a survival-based job into a foundation for affordable housing and professional achievement. By balancing the sanctity of the private home with the stateโ€™s obligation to enforce labor standards, we move 2 million Kenyans from the shadows of the informal economy into a protected, recognized, and multi-billion shilling industry.

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DOMESTIC WORK FOR ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT AND SAFETY

The story of Alex Nyaga, the founder of Parapet Cleaners, is a “Stroke of Genius” that reveals the untapped potential of the domestic sector. By injecting professionalism into a “mundane” industry, he created thousands of jobs and offered growth opportunities up to management levels. Similarly, Sifa, a former cook for a Spanish couple, used her culinary training to build a successful event catering business for expatriates. These examples prove that the domestic sector is a multi-billion shilling industry with infinite entrepreneurial opportunities, provided an enabling regulatory environment exists. However, for enterprise development to thrive, we must address the safety and dignity of the “world of work” as defined by ILO Convention 190. Current Kenyan laws are often fragmented, treating non-sexual violenceโ€”such as bullying, mobbing, and economic abuseโ€”as criminal matters rather than labor disputes. The economic toll of such harassment is staggering, with losses estimated at KES 95.5 billion annually due to absenteeism and reduced productivity. To protect workers in this multi-billion shilling blueprint, we must expand the definition of the workplace to include the commute and digital communications. Ratifying C190 necessitates a paradigm shift from protecting the “physical premises” to protecting the “worker” wherever they may be. This includes recognizing psychosocial risks, such as stress and burnout, with the same seriousness as physical hazards like chemicals or machinery. We must also revive the Domestic Wages Council to serve as a platform for social dialogue and to negotiate sector-wide standards. By professionalizing the industry and ensuring a world of work free from violence, we create a sector where one million young people joining the job market can find profitable, safe, and dignified entry-level careers.

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๐—™๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ž๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ: ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐——๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ช๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ธ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—˜๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜†-๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น ๐—๐—ผ๐—ฏ? ๐Ÿค”

With one million Kenyan Youths joining the job market, the potential entry-level job sector is spoilt for choice with entrepreneurial gaps to fill, problems to solve, and be profitably rewarded for it. Considering its low requirements, domestic work well fits as an entry-level job that enables one to hone their skills and progress to a higher echelon of the sector or shift to other industries. European-trained Alex Nyaga, founder of Parapet Cleaners, returned home and desired to start a think-out-of-the-box enterprise in his training area. That was how the then young visionary established the 25-year-old multi-award-winning regional enterprise that has created thousands of jobs and dignified the Informal Economy industry. By offering professional training through the Parapet Hospitality and Business Institute, he has converted a seemingly mundane sector into an entry-level job that offers internal growth opportunities up to management level, with chances of one spreading their wings to the broader hospitality sector. A good home manager immensely contributes to the efficient running, growth, and prosperity of the home just as much as their boss does at work elsewhere outside the house. Domestic Work other than in a community of hunters and gatherers is the one that ensures that the food that fuels humanity is continuously replenished and that humanity and the home remain healthy and conducive to nurturing healthy families and future generations. As the demands of economies grow, Kenya boasts of being a labour exporter to various global destinations. If well-regulated, the sector can transform rural economies, and considering its massive capacity for Job Creation, it is a key contributor to the GDP. The sector ought not to be a fallback for survival, but rather a well-thought-out policy with exponential potential for employment creation due to its central role as a complementary sector for most, if not every other, sector. Therefore, a positive perception of this sector is critical to earn its rightful place as a key contributor to the economy and a significant source of entry-level jobs. So, can domestic work be an entry-level job in Kenya?

๐—™๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ž๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ: ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐——๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ช๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ธ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—˜๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜†-๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น ๐—๐—ผ๐—ฏ? ๐Ÿค” Read More ยป